Our beloved contributor Eusebius McKaiser passed away suddenly on Tuesday. News of his death broke just hours after TimesLIVE published one of his popular politics podcasts. Never would we have guessed it would be his last. Listen to it below. A TimesLIVE reader responded to a social media comment from political analyst Eusebius McKaiser by expressing skepticism about there being a viable alternative to the ANC. McKaiser had opined: "We need to normalise mentioning the name 'ANC' when telling stories about the economic and deeply personal impact of blackouts, such as a child dying because of lack of oxygen when an inverter runs out of backup power. "The effects of blackouts aren't random, natural events. They are the foreseeable consequences of corruption, state capture, technocratic ineptitude, and unethical and ineffectual leadership by the ANC-misled government. "Make it a habit to tie the story of Eskom to the ANC." The reader responded: "I hear you. But what is the alternative? Elections are around the corner and I don't feel like there is a viable alternative." While not endorsing the sentiment of the voter, McKaiser spends time in this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE engaging the content of her skepticism and addressing opposition parties, in particular, for their role in manufacturing and sustaining the kind of voter despair captured in this comment. He ends the analysis by offering constructive opinion on what opposition parties may yet do differently to attract voters who bemoan the state of our politics.

In this episode of ‘Eusebius on TimesLIVE’, the host examines views about race that Patriotic Alliance leader Gayton McKenzie articulated in a recent interview. McKaiser explains in detail why he agrees with McKenzie that a political party based on narrow racialised politics, targeting only coloured people, is not politically savvy. But McKaiser then spends the rest of his audio analysis explaining why he disagrees with McKenzie that we should “cancel race”.

Eusebius McKaiser hosted well-known human rights and social justice activist, Mark Heywood, on his TimesLIVE podcast. They were in conversation about how new political players, especially those who will be contesting the 2024 general elections, could maximise their chances of making a real and positive democratic difference. Heywood and McKaiser started off by sketching their respective takes on the overall state of South Africa's democracy. Both of them focused on data that reveal various deep social crises, which rob most South Africans of living meaningful lives. Given their overlapping consensus, McKaiser quickly moved on to teasing out three critical themes from Heywood about the possibility that civil society could disrupt the current party political system by contesting political power, which the likes of Rise Mzansi are intending to do, as well as individuals like well-known activist, Zackie Achmat. The bulk of the podcast episode focuses on Heywood carefully explaining three broad themes: a) the importance of actively and immediately helping communities in practical ways to demonstrate what you could do, at scale, if voted into power; b) the importance of articulating about five very clear, radical, feasible and well-thought through ideas that you campaign on; and c) the importance of co-operating as new political vehicles (rather than each working alone) in order to contest and disrupt hegemonic political power most effectively. McKaiser and Heywood ended their conversation by also briefly reflecting on a) how new political entrants might deal with donors who are reluctant to fund them; b) avoiding political ideology and terminology that are overused and wooly; and c) learning the art of clear, explanatory and persuasive political communication.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, the podcast host briefly frames the legal and political issues related to the ongoing controversy around the possible visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to South Africa later this year. While acknowledging that law and politics are intertwined in this matter, McKaiser tries to separate the nexus legal issues from the geopolitical ones. There is a brief summary of what legal expert Dr James Grant said about the interpretation of the Rome Statute, a treaty that is domesticated in South African law. A key case that has featured this law is that of Omar al-Bashir, former Sudanese president, who had not been arrested when he was on South African soil and an ICC warrant of arrest had been issued. Grant explains why the precedent in that case implies a legal duty to arrest Putin, should he come to South Africa. The political considerations, argues Grant, are inferior to the rule of law. But the heart of this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE is about South Africa's foreign policy posture. McKaiser offers trenchant criticism of South Africa's foreign policy stance which he describes as "not just vague but incoherent". In the rest of the audio, he explains how and why South Africa is muddled and what the negative consequences are on the international stage as a result of the alleged vagueness, incoherence and unpredictability of the country's views on key institutions such as the ICC. McKaiser concludes "it is a not a good look" for the international relations and co-operation department to dither on what it thinks of the ICC. To understand the logic of this criticism, listen to the full podcast audio. As always, every listener of Eusebius on TimesLIVE decides where their own view lands, having listened to the guests on the show.

Matshidiso Lencoasa is a budget researcher at Section 27, a well-known South African public interest law centre. With multiple degrees in accounting sciences, international development and education, she brings a uniquely important set of skills to the work of Section 27. She focuses on how best budget interventions, at all levels of government, may be used to get us closer to a South Africa that is substantively equal, and in which socio-economic rights are fully realised. In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, she engaged the podcast host on various aspects of Freedom Day. They started off by acknowledging the importance of civil and political rights before reflecting on the normative value of socio-economic rights also enshrined in our constitution. Lencoasa furthermore remarked on the importance of economic rights to ensure that every citzen's human potenial is fully realised. McKaiser and Lencoasa also spent time on the importance of being vigilant about the gap between the vision in the Bill of Rights, and section 27 in particular, and material conditions of vast deprivation that millions of people still live under. Lencoasa was optimistic, however, that although there is still some "awkwardness" in public discourse when questions about land and economic justice are raised, that economic rights debates must be framed and insisted on. She agreed with McKaiser that reconciliation is not achievable without economic justice. The conversation ended with Lencoasa explaining to McKaiser how severe technical and capacity weaknesses within all spheres of government result in resources not being spent on the vulnerable. This means that, besides monies that are lost due to corruption and state capture, the South African state is also sufficiently fit for social justice purpose. Interestingly, she ends off the conversation by justifying her relative optimism about the country's future despite the structural and empirical issued explored with McKaiser. As always, listeners of Eusebius on TimesLIVE can decide whether or not they agree with the host and his guest.

Respected former Wits university legal academic Dr James Grant joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to focus on whether it is compulsory for the government to arrest Russian president Vladimir Putin should he come to South Africa. Grant argued that while there are legal complexities, besides the obvious geopolitical debates on the issue, in the end, South Africa would struggle to persuade a court that it has no obligation to comply with the arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC). South Africa domesticated the Rome Statute in 2000 after signing it in 1998 and it is now part and parcel of enforceable South African law. Grant examined the apparent tension between customary international law that allows heads of state diplomatic immunity and the status of a Supreme Court of Appeal judgment in the case of Omar al-Bashir. South Africa was found legally wanting for not arresting the former Sudanese president. Grant argues that though there is internal ambiguity within the Rome Statute and a hierarchy of sources of law has not been resolved definitively and jurisprudentially, South Africa will nevertheless have to be guided by the SCA's judgment in the al-Bashir case as it is, effectively, law. Grant ended his conversation with McKaiser by explaining that political criticism of the ICC is insufficient to assist the government in avoiding diplomatic fallout with Russia. It must respect South African law or support someone accused of heinous crimes by the ICC, of which it is a member.

Ground Work Collective is a new initiative started by former DA politician Mbali Ntuli. She joined TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser, on his TimesLIVE podcast, to explain the motivation behind this non-profit company, and how it will achieve its goals. Ntuli shared with McKaiser data that demonstrates a slow decline in both the share of registered voters who participate in South African elections, and decreasing interest among eligible new voters to actually register to vote. Ground Work Collective's core motivation is to help to improve on these figures, with a particular focus on the youth vote. McKaiser and Ntuli then focused on three themes. First, they discussed the importance of as high a voter participation as possible in order to ensure, not only that the elected government is lawfully in place, but that it also has the necessary political legitimacy to govern an entire country that includes millions of citizens and residents that did not vote it into office. Ntuli expanded on her organisation's mission by telling McKaiser that it is not only, however, about voter turnout. Ground Work Collective is also premised on deepening democratic participation, especially so as to develop a generation of young citizens who become habitually involved in active citizenship. She argues that if this is achieved now, then in future it is more rather than less likely that participation in elections would remain relatively high as a constant feature of active citizenship. Ntuli is also of the view that current political parties dominating the political landscape should be "scared" so that they stop being "complacent" about whose issues they care about. If many new voters "flood the voter's roll", then the status quo can be challenged because none of the main parties would get away with only engaging their main voting base and their most loyal voters. Ntuli agreed, however, when McKaiser suggested a more positive framing of this insight is that a greater number of new voters may inadvertently act as an additional form of political accountability over the actions of so-called mainstream parties. The podcast episode ended with reflections between the host and his guest on the multiple drivers of declining voter registration (such as difficulties to obtain identity documents, disappointment with the state, etc.), as well as their respective personal arguments for why, despite many flaws in South Africa's democracy, voters should choose to vote rather than to opt out of voting. As always it is up to listeners of the podcast to decide where you agree or disagree with the views that had emerged.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, five insights gained from the story of convicted rapist and murderer, Thabo Bester, and his alleged accomplice Dr Nandipha Magudumana, who faces several criminal charges of her own, are highlighted and explored. The podcast host, Eusebius McKaiser, starts off by explaining 'unearned privilege' before applying the concept to this story. He offers an argument in support of the view that one can be the beneficiary of a disproportionate amount of public generosity if you are deemed to be conventionally beautiful, attractive and charming. These traits, argues the analyst, should not lead to Magudumana or Bester being regarded as lacking in moral agency or having reduced responsibility for their actions. McKaiser then pivots to consider various systemic problems within policing, and the criminal justice value chain more generally, warning that the arrest of two fugitives should not result in the state praising itself when patterns of systemic corruption and various inefficiencies remain unaddressed. These range from borders that are porous, identify theft, a lack of ethics within the state, and other ongoing institutional weaknesses within policing and correctional services. A third theme explored in this podcast episode puts the spotlight simultaneously on media coverage, story selection and also what readers, viewers and listeners demand. McKaiser argues that the victims and survivors of Bester's crimes have been largely rendered invisible, and that while this can be explained, it is not acceptable from a media ethics viewpoint. The penultimate theme is the amplification of accountability. McKaiser argues that one positive element that has emerged is a demonstration of the power of MPs doing their job without fear or favour. By way of example, a robust exchange between Glynnis Breytenbach MP and a representative of the global security firm G4S (aimed at understanding the role of the firm in the escape of Bester from their prison) shows the power of effective parliamentary oversight. McKaiser ends his analysis and ruminations by arguing that the apparent incompetence of G4S is a reminder that outsourcing state functions to the private sector does not guarantee inherently better, let alone more ethical, services. In the end, he argues, taxpayers and citizens must hold both the public and private sector accountable for their actions.

This afternoon, the two candidates for federal leader of the Democratic Alliance, John Steenhuisen, the incumbent, and his challenger Mpho Phalatse delivered their final leadership contest speeches at the party's congress currently underway. TimesLIVE contributor and analyst, Eusebius McKaiser, watched the two speeches closely and, drawing on his experiences as a past World Masters Debate Champion and adjudicator of competitive debating and public speaking shows, analysed their performances. Steenhuisen, with his wealth of political experience compared to Phalatse's, chose to focus on a very positive framing of what the DA had already achieved, and what it can and will achieve next year, i.e driving the ANC below 50% share of the national vote. He alluded to the importance of experience, in an apparent dig at his opponent, by referencing his membership of the party that goes back to 1997, quite apart from many positions he had occupied over the years, including ten years as a DA councilor. He showed awareness of and implicitly conceded that the DA needs to communicate more effectively with voters. To that end, based on research showing what matters to voters currently, he listed many thematic areas that he would focus on as leader if he was reelected, including energy insecurity, crime, unemployment, cadre deployment, improving the quality of our bureaucracy, and devolving more power to provincial and local governments. What was most striking for McKaiser, however, was the overall tone and energy of the speech. It was positive, forward-looking, solutions-focused, and aiming at party cohesion rather than divisive critique in the public sphere. Phalatse's speech was, argues McKaiser, perhaps more substantive in its self-examination of what the party had done wrong. She spent some time, by way of example, detailing the very serious trust deficit that the DA faces. She regaled the congress with anecdotes of people she had met everywhere who wondered whether or not the DA could be trusted. In contrast to the polling data cited by Steenhuisen, she suggested that if elections were held tomorrow, the DA may well only get 16% share of the vote, even if the ANC's numbers also plummeted The implication is that nothing short of a very fresh and new offering to voters is needed to get them to vote for the ANC. It would be a mistake, she says, to only focus on the base of the party. McKaiser argues that, to that extent, Phalatse's speech sounded more like political analysis than someone understanding the game of politics. It was insufficiently positive and perhaps too introspective, given that voting delegates need to feel fired up about and positive towards a candidate they are asked to back. While some segments of the party might agree with Phalatse's speech in its essence, it may be hard to avoid the conclusion that Steenhuisen is the better politician between them. For the full analysis of their speeches, and to hear the speeches for yourself, click on the audio link to this latest edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE.

Former ActionSA Gauteng leader Bongani Baloyi has started a new political party, Xiluva, meaning flower in Xitsonga. In this case, it refers to the protea, which is seen on the party's logo and was chosen, according to Baloyi, because of the flower's resilience. He granted Eusebius on TimesLIVE an interview on what led to the party's formation and its values, and answered questions about the strategic and practical difficulties of being a new political player in a growing field of small and new competitors. Baloyi told TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser that Xiluva's foundational values are ubuntu, family, community and multiracialism. He argued that people will continue to identify across racial lines and that his party embraces multiculturalism rather than nonracialism as it is a better founding value. In particular, he wants black people's experiences acknowledged. When pressed by McKaiser on whether he has sufficient donor backing for a project of this nature, Baloyi said he had no backers, adding that donor power influenced the decisions of ActionSA leader Herman Mashaba. He also shared his experience with a potential donor who wanted to dictate on his party's values and the position it should adopt on crucial questions such as relationships with other political organisations. For this reason, he is hoping for “subscriptions and working-class donations” to ensure “purity”. McKaiser probed whether Xiluva has the necessary human and other resources to organise within communities, establish structures countrywide and ensure its top-line message translates to electoral success. Responding, Baloyi revealed the party only has 10 members but he is confident young people will join the organisation and give it a collective image. The podcast ends with a discussion on how Baloyi plans to “animate” young people who may be disengaged politically to vote next year, specifically for his party, with the host challenging him on the difficulties of “tapping the youth”. How compelling is Baloyi in articulating his new project? As always, it is up to listeners to decide.

In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, the host holds the government accountable by revisiting the tragic story of Michael Komape, who died after falling into a pit latrine at school in 2014.  McKaiser, a contributor and analyst for TimesLIVE, looks at the latest claims by basic education minister Angie Motshekga of progress made in ensuring the government complies with the agreed norms and standards every state school must meet. There remains, argues McKaiser, a gap between political promises and service delivery, which worsens educational inequalities between the haves and the have-nots.  McKaiser draws on archived material to highlight and affirm the activism of civil society organisations like Equal Education and Section 27 in getting the state to comply with its constitutional obligations. The episode ends on a sombre note, recalling the avoidable death of Komape, and leaving listeners to wrestle with the question of whether the government has done enough to honour its mandate, especially for millions of black people living in poverty.

In a wide-ranging conversation with TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser, ActionSA national chairperson Michael Beaumont made several claims and arguments. He alleged that a councillor in Tshwane had offered a bribe to an ActionSA councillor to vote for Murunwa Makwarela on February 28. He expanded on the allegation and claimed that criminal charges would be laid tomorrow. Beaumont also argued that the DA made “an error of judgment” in how it went about trying to vote for a speaker of Tshwane, and that he agrees with the IEC decision that the 69 votes should be classified as spoilt. But in the details of the discussion with the podcast host, he puzzled through the tension between the importance of the principle of a secret vote, and the entitlement of political parties to enforce party discipline, especially at local government level where there is clear suspectibility to ill-discipline and potential bribery. McKaiser pressure-tested ActionSA's use of lie detector technology, suggesting that it is indicative of the party leadership not being certain that councillors they selected have integrity. Beaumont responded by suggesting that parties cannot always know “the hearts” of candidates when they are selected and that technology is one of several tools to be used to ensure that caucus decisions are adhered to. He argued that, at any rate, councillors have an enforceable right to conscience that they can expressly invoke by applying to be exempted from voting along caucus lines. McKaiser and Beaumont debated the cogency of this response. In the bulk of the remainder of the conversation between McKaiser and Beaumont, Beaumont went into great detail to explain various falsehoods, as he sees it, in the narrative given by former ActionSA leader Bongani Baloyi at a press conference about why he has left the party. Beaumont offered several counter-narratives that contest this week's public claims made by the former mayor of Midvaal. As always, it is up to listeners of the podcast to decide what you find compelling, or not, in the responses of the interviewee.

TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser has followed the story of internal disagreements within ActionSA closely. In this explainer episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he details how the Gauteng leader of ActionSA came to his decision to resign from the party. McKaiser offers analysis that focuses on the implications for ActionSA and opposition politics generally. Have a listen.

Michael Markovitz (former SABC Board member and head of the GIBS Media Think Tank) explained to podcast host Eusebius McKaiser what the role of the board is in respect to the functioning of the SABC. Markovitz argues that it would be naive to downplay the centrality of the public broadcaster in the life of our democracy just because some citizens also have access to commercial media and new media. First, says Markovitz, the media products owned by the SABC are not restricted to terrestrial channels, but also online and other platforms and products that reach millions of people who do not have the economic capacity to easily access commercial media, and technologies that are prohibitively expensive. Markovitz urges the public to think of the SABC as “public media” that balances out the inherent biases of the commercial media market. To that end, he then explained to listeners of Eusebius on TimesLIVE what the more precise, legally defined roles of the board are. These, in turn, he fleshed out by focusing on the financial, policy and strategic roles of the board. Having explained these areas in some detail, he gave practical examples as to why it is an urgent and serious problem that president Cyril Ramaphosa has not yet confirmed the new SABC board. Markovitz claims that there are about 30 business plans waiting for board approval. These approval processes ought to have happened before the end of the financial year, which means that the public broadcaster is in breach of the PFMA. Another example would be strategic new acquisitions like indigenous language news channels that are conceptually excellent ideas but ought not to be operationalised without board approval and oversight. Markovitz remarked that while he agreed with McKaiser that the implication of what he had sketched is that an SABC without a board is bound to fall foul of good governance best practice, and be liable to external pressures such as attempted political manipulation ahead of the elections, that the overall effects of there being no board in place are even worse. He intimated that the SABC is “potentially on the verge of financial collapse” based on what he knew on October 15 2022 as a board member, when they had compiled a report to hand over. Markovitz also cited the absurdity of the CEO being designated as standing in for the board, a move made by the former shareholder minister, thereby contradicting the Broadcasting Act. The absence of the board had led to an unlawful fusion of senior management roles and board duties. McKaiser also invited Markovitz to reflect on the legal battle undertaken by Media Monitoring Africa to compel Ramaphosa to confirm the names of the board. Markovitz argues that the law is clear that on the advice of parliament the president “must” confirm the names. There is no reasonable or lawful justification for the delay. McKaiser had invited the presidency for an interview on the SABC board not yet being confirmed, but Vincent Magwenya, presidential spokesperson, declined to go on the record when approached by McKaiser last week.Have a listen to this latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE and tell us your views.

In this short podcast entry, TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser provides his reaction to President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet reshuffle. McKaiser details three points: why the reshuffle is best understood in wholly political and not governance terms; analysing the survival of poorly performing ministers, and; drawing out the implications of how one should view the president’s leadership.

Eusebius McKaiser was joined by Sowetan editor Nwabisa Makunga, Oxfam executive director Lebogang Ramafoko, seasoned journalist and Mkokeli Advisory head Sam Mkokeli to debate the 2023 national budget. It proved to be a spirited podcast entry, as the guests disagreed on a few crucial issues. Ramafoko offered an argument to support her claim that the budget is pro-middle class and pro-rich. She analysed how the suggested new tax rebates, for example, would benefit only a few. By contrast, the material conditions of millions of black people living in poverty will not change considering the line items in this year’s budget. Mkokeli disagreed by arguing that, while the budget is not pro-poor, it is also not pro-middle class. This dovetailed the main view teased out by Makunga, that the budget does not change socioeconomic problems. At best, it allocates monies in such a way that the basic business of the state ticks over. She did not think the budget was austere but conceded to Ramafoko’s contention that, regardless of the linguistic characterisation of the budget, the realities of poor people are not going to change any time soon. There was overlapping consensus that politics and the technical capacity of the state are more important drivers of material change for all South Africans. Mkokeli observed that the finance minister’s budget speech piggybacked on political realities. Ramafoko, mindful of this reality, ended the discussion with an appeal to South Africans to co-operate across class divisions, in mutual recognition of the all-encompassing consequences of a  dismal government.

Eusebius McKaiser was joined on his TimesLIVE podcast by Roshni Parbhoo-Seetha, projects co-ordinator at the South African Depression and Anxiety Group(Sadag). Sadag is running Teen Suicide Prevention Week, which includes the online campaigns #CheckInWithSADAG and #StopTeenSuicide Parbhoo-Seetha explained the dangers of adults thinking of teenagers as infants and not paying attention to the complex and unique modern challenges they face. These are exacerbated by new media, smart devices and online platforms that allow for new forms of exclusion and bullying. A catastrophic event like the Covid-19 pandemic, said Parbhoo-Seetha, made today's teenagers more aware of existential threats to their lives and more aware of their own mortality than teenagers from previous generations. This is the context within which Teen Suicide Prevention Week is located this year. Parbhoo-Seetha shared with McKaiser many signs that adults can be on the lookout for to become aware, within good time, of a teenager at risk of harming themselves. The rest of the conversation between the podcast host and his guest was devoted to practical ways to reduce the chances of a teenager thinking about or attempting suicide. These interventions ranged from engendering a family norm of speaking openly about one's feelings to role-modelling  in your leadership of an institution, like a school, and teaching it is permissible to seek help when not feeling mentally well. McKaiser and Parbhoo-Seetha also challenged and deconstructed unhealthy cultural norms and stereotypes that make it hard for teenagers and adults to develop health/help-seeking behaviours.

In this brief first take on the 2023 state of the nation address from President Cyril Ramaphosa, TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser explains why the speech falls short of its political intentions. The president, argues McKaiser, continues to trick the public with searing descriptions of our challenges but without taking full moral, political and constitutional responsibility for his government’s role in how we got here. Further, argues McKaiser, the president’s proposed solutions, such as appointing a minister of electricity, assume that the existing legal architecture of the state has disabled him from solving our myriad crises until now. In reality, nothing in the legal or administrative arrangements of the state explains why the state of the nation is not in better shape. Ultimately, concludes McKaiser, citizens have so many examples of unfulfilled promises that they are likely to be sceptical about Ramaphosa making good on new promises.

Nolwazi Tusini, from Iranti (a media advocacy organisation defending the rights of lesbian, intersex and transgender persons in Africa), joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to explain their #QueerSONA campaign. Tusini started off by explaining the particular forms of violence, oppression, and marginalisation sexual minorities experience in South Africa, despite the foundational values of the constitution. She urged society to take seriously the gap between the vision of a just society and realities to the contrary. Tusini and McKaiser puzzled through the bittersweet fact that, while queer people in South Africa have a lot to be grateful for, such as landmark legal cases and progressive jurisprudence that has evolved since 1996, there are still many inequalities within the queer community that mean these wins are not evenly distributed and enjoyed equitably. When asked by McKaiser to be precise about what practical outcomes she wanted the president and his government to aim for, Tusini focused on two examples. First, she explained why hate crimes legislation is important and, second, why more efficient administrative processes need to be in place for gender non-conforming persons to access services in a dignified manner, with state-issued documentation that reflects their true identities, rather than identities assigned at birth. While McKaiser pushed Tusini on whether the law can be effective in changing the behaviour of people in communities or officials at home affairs, they agreed that legal and administrative reforms are necessary even if not sufficient. The conversation ended with a reflection between the podcast host and his guest on active democratic citizenship from queer South Africans, and on why it is important, even if the gains are not always quick or linear.

Business Day political editor Hajra Omarjee and Sowetan political editor Fikile Ntsikelelo Moya joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to discuss and debate some of the biggest political stories in the country. Three themes were isolated: Does the state of the nation address (still) matter? Will the impending cabinet reshuffle improve the government’s performance on key governance metrics, or will it simply reflect the new internal leadership structures of the ANC? Are coalitions inherently unworkable in South Africa, or may we yet reform the rules to ensure less instability? A wide range of views emerged from the host and his guests. As always, listen and decide where your own views land.

The DA scored a major legal victory against the ANC today. In this explainer audio, TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser makes sense of why the court found against the ANC and puzzles through the political implications. The court has ordered the ANC to hand over, within five court days, the records of the ANC national cadre deployment committee for its work spanning from January 1 2013 until January 1 2021. McKaiser explains three major arguments advanced by the DA, two of them intrinsically linked to the constitutional duties of the DA in parliament. It is these arguments in particular that persuaded the court. The ANC is likely to appeal the judgment, but, as McKaiser explained, this does not mean the case is not politically significant. Regardless of how the lawfare between the parties may yet play out, the case entrenches, argues McKaiser, certain norms like transparency and accountability, and in so doing also ensures the meaningful enjoyment of political rights.Have a listen.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, the podcast host engaged former Johannesburg mayor Mpho Phalatse on her ambition to become the next DA leader. She argued the current leadership is not best placed to lead the party into the 2024 national and provincial elections. Phalatse insists the leadership, John Steenhuisen included, do not connect with voters in rural areas or townships. This is one reason she wants to be part of a new offering to voters. When pressed on whether she has sufficient backing within the party, Phalatse said she has “been approached” by many people in the party who share her view about the leadership and who agitated for her to run for the top position. McKaiser asked her whether she would agree Steenhuisen is “an excellent leader” to which she responded, while Steenhuisen has done his best, he is not excellent and does not connect with “the masses”. Phalatse argued that even among white voters there are those who question whether he is the best person for the job. The party needs to be more introspective and less defensive, she argues. When asked about her vision for the country, Phalatse conceded she did not yet have a manifesto but added if she were to become DA leader she would argue for the party to get better feedback from communities about what their policies ought to be. McKaiser ended the discussion by asking Phalatse to respond to claims she is ill-disciplined and not a team player, such as her open criticism of the DA's federal leadership structure. She insisted “exposing blind spots” doesn't mean she is not a team player.

Political analyst Adam Habib joins Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to elaborate on a series of explosive tweets he recently published. Habib argues that the ANC Youth League, Cosatu, and the SACP do not have the moral authority to criticise the state for rolling blackouts. Rather, argues Habib, they should take responsibility for being a major part of the genesis of the problem. Some of them are responsible for aspects of the crisis we are living through, or, in some cases, helped bring to power the likes of former president Jacob Zuma, which led to state capture, including massive corruption at Eskom. Habib and McKaiser discuss whether the distinction between party and state can, legitimately, be invoked by the governing party. Habib argues that they do so opportunistically and disingenuously, if one took account of the dominance of the party in our political system.

TimesLIVE spoke to attorney Siphile Buthelezi about the legal basis of the letter of demand he sent on behalf of clients to the department of public enterprises and Eskom. On Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he was asked to justify the legal argument that underpinned this demand. Buthelezi, as can be heard in the accompanying audio, is confident the state does not only have a political duty to ensure a secure supply of electricity but, specifically, also a legally enforceable duty to do so. He insists, despite pressure testing questions from the podcast host, several constitutional rights of citizens are directly and unlawfully violated by government due to the ongoing rolling blackouts. Eusebius McKaiser and Buthelezi debate whether the demands of the attorney’s clients are too expansive, and possibly trample on the doctrine of separation of powers by encroaching on the exclusive authority of the executive to determine policy. The conversation also focuses on why citizens are legally entitled to greater transparency from government on the content of its plans to fix the energy crisis.

TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser examines the legal action being initiated against the department of public enterprises and Eskom in this audio explainer. Political parties, unionists and civil society bodies have sent a letter of demands to the two in an attempt to halt rolling blackouts. However, they are much wider in scope. McKaiser aims to explain who the litigants are and what they are demanding. He also offers a view on the politics at play, ending with commentary on whether this lawfare could succeed.

Business Unity South Africa president Bonang Mohale joined Eusebius McKaiser to discuss his recent opinion piece (https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2022-12-15-the-anc-cannot-fix-itself-south-africas-last-hope-is-business/ ) in which he argued the ANC cannot fix itself. Instead, he is of the view business is South Africa’s last hope. The discussion starts with an analysis of the ANC’s recent elective conference. McKaiser invited Mohale to comment on the new leadership composition of the top seven officials, and the party’s highest decision-making structure, the national executive committee. Mohale argued that the inefficient manner in which the elective conference was run, and the strategic error of allocating most of the time to leadership elections rather than to a deep examination of ideas and policies, is evidence of an ANC that is unable to fix itself. He expanded on this diagnosis in the conversation with podcast host, TimesLIVE contributor and analyst McKaiser.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he was joined by founding CEO of Diversi-T Terry Oakley-Smith to examine a range of issues on antiracism. Bringing her wealth of experience to bear on the conversation, Oakley-Smith started by explaining how little cross-racial contact and lack of early formation of cross-racial friendships shaped her own and many other white people's lack of appreciation for the lived experiences of black people. She explains it often requires intentional work or momentous experiences for even “progressive” white people to recognise the salience of race.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, podcast host Eusebius McKaiser wears his hat as a political analyst and reviews the coverage of what happened at a resort in the Free State recently. McKaiser argues and explains how certain frameworks chosen by reporters, subeditors, and editors unwittingly water down the seriousness of racism. He also offers arguments in support of the view that editorial choices are not value-neutral (just as neither writing nor reporting are value-neutral speech acts).What we write, and how we edit, and frame stories, can reveal our most deeply-held political convictions, he concludes, even when we genuinely imagine ourselves to simply be “knocking into shape” a first draft. It is, as always, up to listeners of the podcast to determine whether and how much they agree with the analyst and contributor to TimesLIVE. Enjoy and subscribe to Eusebius on TimesLIVE on any podcast so that you never miss a future episode.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he is joined by seasoned journalists Sam Mkokeli and Sabelo Skiti. They bring their collective institutional memories to bear on a range of questions: Who are the characters in the top 7? What do we know about their track records? Are they fit for purpose? A big theme in this podcast episode explores whether the newly elected top officials can improve the ANC. Can it now “renew” as it so often promises? The party used to be well known for effective electioneering, and the interlocutors spar on whether the new leadership can modernise their campaign strategy well and swiftly enough to improve the ANC's electoral prospects in time for the  2024 elections. McKaiser and his guests also chewed the political fat on whether President Cyril Ramaphosa's hand has been strengthened after his victory. There is debate on whether some political reporters and fellow commentators are misreading the apparent Ramaphosa victory. The episode ends with reflections on the implications for the state. As always, Eusebius on TimesLIVE listeners get to decide where their views fall.

In this short piece of audio analysis, TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser summarises what President Cyril Ramaphosa set out to achieve in his political report at the African National Congress' elective conference. McKaiser argues, with examples to that end, that while Ramaphosa cited some details of the ANC government's achievements, he embellished his analysis of reality. A lot of the deeper structural challenges that had not been effectively dealt with by the ANC government with only mentioned in passing rather than drilled down into. Do you agree with McKaiser, or do you think Ramaphosa gave a balanced account of the ANC's record? Have a listen and decide for yourself.

Though constitutional processes necessitate government not putting the cart before the horse and engaging the public on proposed changes to the law, it is clear the government favours the decriminalisation of sex work. In this short edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, our contributor and analyst explains the Constitutional Court’s legal reasoning for its order that SACP leader Chris Hani’s assassin, Janusz Waluś, be paroled. Eusebius McKaiser explains why, in his view, the decision is legally sound in terms of constitutional jurisprudence. He examines the political and ethical context and consequences of the judgment, recognising that the legal reasoning cannot displace complex psycho-political dynamics in the country.

In this short edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, our contributor and analyst explains the Constitutional Court’s legal reasoning that resulted in an order that SACP leader Chris Hani’s assassin, Janusz Waluś, should be freed on parole. He explains why, in his view, the decision is legally sound in terms of constitutional jurisprudence. Eusebius McKaiser examines the political and ethical context and consequences of the judgment, recognising that the legal reasoning cannot displace complex psycho-political dynamics in the country.

In the latest edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE he is joined by journalist and author Jacques Pauw to discuss his new book, Our Poisoned Land. It is a sequel to his previous bestseller, The President's Keepers. McKaiser engaged Pauw on many themes and questions which included, amongst others, the following: is the much discussed excerpt about the EFF a distraction from the main issues in the book or a fair reflection of his intentions as author? How does he respond to critics who think that unethical journalism, related to an incident at the V&A Waterfront in Cape Town, undermines his journalistic integrity and credibility? What are examples of the linkages between money, politics and the subversion of the constitution? Why is PRASA such a big focus of the book? What are the implications of the empirical evidence of state capture specifically for the leadership of president Cyril Ramaphosa? Is the EFF a bona fide political party or a criminal enterprise?

Eusebius McKaiser invited TimesLIVE editor Makhudu Sefara to discuss a TimesLIVE editorial that caught the podcast host’s attention. Sefara explains the editorial’s logic in support of the view that the politics playing out in Gauteng metros show political parties only care about power play and careerism, rather than about residents of the municipalities. The mayoral battles in Ekurhuleni in recent weeks are the main example discussed by Sefara and McKaiser. The editor argues that the DA’s Tania Campbell “is an accidental mayor” in the sense that her position is the result of the ANC and EFF being unable to resolve their political differences about how to dislodge the DA in Gauteng municipalities. The implication for residents, and voters, is that responsive government is deprioritised while careerism and horse-trading take centre stage. The rest of the episode explores the wider political ramifications of these dynamics.

Lukhona Mnguni, head of research at Rivonia Circle, joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to discuss the results of polling data and other research his organisation commissioned and worked on with Ipsos. The discussion started with an explanation of the research methodology. McKaiser pressure-tested the integrity of political polling in South Africa generally, raising concerns about demographic representation, sample size and assumptions about telephony and so on. Mnguni conceded the importance of methodological hygiene, but explained that qualitative and quantitative methods were drawn on to ensure the results were "robust". The meat of the discussion was about the political sentiments of registered voters. Mnguni unpacked their dominant concerns, with unemployment the most worrisome. Others included crime, corruption, blackouts and the rising cost of living. These factors, voters indicated to pollsters, were inadequately addressed by political parties. In terms of governance, about 74% of respondents thought the country was heading in the wrong direction, in no small part due to their five major concerns not being adequately addressed. The conversation between McKaiser and Mnguni then segued to the implications for democracy and what practical and strategic lessons political parties ought to read from these results. Mnguni was adamant that a sceptical conclusion about the state of our democracy was not unavoidable, but depended on political parties humbling themselves, taking voters seriously, listening to them and shifting from critiquing each other to offering solutions to voters' biggest concerns. 

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE the host offers his political interpretation, with which listeners of the podcast can wrestle, about former president Jacob Zuma's press conference this past weekend. McKaiser believes Zuma had two intentions: a desire to influence discourse about his political biography, and an attempt to influence the leadership battles within the ANC. Why does he think these were Zuma’s aims? And how does he assess Zuma’s performance in the presser?

Bain released a statement in which they asked the government to repeal a decision to ban the company from doing business with the state for 10 years. The decision was made because Bain has been implicated in state capture, but the company insists it is innocent. In a recent press statement, Bain argued “the South African Revenue Service (Sars) was — and remains — a critical institution and a source of pride for us as South Africans. We are embarrassed that this — procurement mistakes — could have occurred in the first place and are angry that our work was used by others to damage a critical institution and South Africa”. They also claimed: “There is no evidence Bain colluded with Sars or engaged in any corrupt and fraudulent practices.”Eusebius McKaiser invited Financial Mail deputy editor Natasha Marrian and Iraj Abedian, chief economist at Pan-African Investment & Research Services, to join him to discuss the company’s claims. Bain refused to participate in the discussion. 

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE he analyses a controversial tweet DA leader Helen Zille aligned herself with. McKaiser argues why the tweet is not innocuous, but rather reveals a social conservatism and ahistoricism on the part of Zille. He teases out the implications for both the DA’s general brand and the danger of a reduction in competitive politics if such missteps are not nipped in the bud by Zille’s party leadership peers. As always, listeners of the podcast can decide for themselves whether the analysis by McKaiser is cogent.

Terry Tselane, former vice-chairperson of the Electoral Commission (IEC) and executive chairperson of the Institute of Election Management Services in Africa, joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast. Looking ahead to the 2024 national elections, they discussed whether electoral processes in SA are beyond reproach, or whether elections could conceivably be stolen.

Mike Siluma, deputy editor of The Sunday Times, and Susan Booysen, well-known political analyst, joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to discuss the current state of ANC leadership battles. The impetus for this episode of the podcast is the press statement this past week by former president Jacob Zuma that stated a number of views he holds ahead of the ANC elective conference. Zuma argued that a “generational mix” rather than a “generational takeover” is the best guiding principle for the ANC elective conference choices. He also indicated his availability to be elected as ANC chair in the event that branches of the ANC should nominate him. The first task of the panellists was to try to make sense of the Zuma press statement. Booysen argued that the former president is “delusional” in his assessment of how much political weight he still carries, and how much influence he has to potentially affect the outcome of the ANC elective conference. Siluma agreed with her, and pointed to the obvious differences between the former president's wishes, and the preferences of the KwaZulu-Natal provincial leadership. Thereafter the panel members debated whether current president Ramaphosa is likely to be elected back into his position. Though there was some agreement that this might be the case, the discussants agreed that the situation varies significantly from the position at the beginning of the year.

University of Cape Town law professor Richard Calland is no longer going to serve on the panel tasked with a preliminary inquiry into a motion in terms of section 89 of the constitution. This motion relates to the Phala Phala controversy around president Cyril Ramaphosa. Some political parties had objected to Calland's appointment on the basis that he is politically biased in favour of Ramaphosa. Calland appeared on Eusebius on TimesLIVE to explain his decision to accept the judgment of the speaker of parliament that “it is in the best interest of the parliamentary process” for him to no longer be a part of it. Eusebius McKaiser asked Calland what considerations he took into account when he was told of his nomination, and in deciding whether to accept it. Calland explains that his main consideration was whether he could, as a trained lawyer, assess the issues fairly, independently and without bias, even as someone who has been a public intellectual and commentator for more than 20 years. Having satisfied himself that he met these criteria, he accepted the nomination.  When pushed by McKaiser about perceived bias, Calland insisted that, after social media criticism as well as a formal complaint by the EFF communicated to the speaker of parliament, he did in fact seriously reflect on what critics had said. The standard he applied, in reflecting on these criticisms, was the same he would apply in a judicial request for recusal. Calland claims that each of the purported proofs of his alleged bias from the EFF fell short of the “reasonableness” standard for recusal, and he could articulate, he claims, how each of the pieces of “evidence”, which are essentially references to his work as an analyst, drew inferences, from past columns for example, that do not justify a “reasonable apprehension of bias” in the appointment to the panel. 

Former DA leader Mmusi Maimane told TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser why he decided to register a political party to contest the 2024 elections. On Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Maimane argues that communities are disempowered by the electoral system, which is why he focused his energies, after exiting formal politics in 2019, on electoral reform. He says effective political accountability requires that communities have the ability to recall parliamentarians who do not fulfil their mandate. When McKaiser asked whether his will be a “classic political party”, Maimane said though it must be registered with the Electoral Commission of SA (IEC) as a political entity, he is designing a “franchise model”. He means that while there must agreement on non-negotiable values such as ubuntu and nonracialism, there will be space for a diverse range of individuals to join, provided they are each committed to empowering their communities and serving those which had nominated and elected them. However, added Maimane, even common values are insufficient for effective and responsive government. This is why his model also emphasises “a common vision” for the most important issues affecting communities such as the economy, safety, and education. McKaiser suggested there was a “vagueness” problem when politicians talk about values such as nonracialism. These are substantive political concepts that might mean different things to different people. Similarly, suggested the podcast host, there might be “intractable differences” about what the vision should be for solving crime and making communities safer. Maimane insisted that a culture of democratic debate, guided by the agreed baseline values, will make it more rather than less likely that a common vision would be agreed on. Whether these responses are persuasive is for listeners of this TimesLIVE podcast to decide.

Eusebius on TimesLIVE hosted Rochelle de Kock (editor, The Herald) and Andisa Bonani (senior political reporter, The Herald) to explain and debate this week's political drama in Nelson Mandela Bay. The municipality has a new mayor, the DA's Retief Odendaal, who replaces the ANC's Eugene Johnson. She was removed in the early hours of Thursday after a marathon council sitting that led to a motion of no confidence in her. It was passed by one vote. What was the basis of the motion? Why did some parties vote with the incumbent ANC? What is the basis of complex coalition alliances in NMB? And crucially, what are the prospects of new leadership being able to turn around a major city that has in recent years been in the news for all the wrong reasons, among them water insecurity, gangsterism, high unemployment, housing backlogs and strained public health facilities? These are some of the issues De Kock and Bonani tackle in this podcast. The discussion ends with reflections on the viability of the co-operative governance model and prospects of more viable provincial coalitions countrywide after the 2024 general election.

IFP spokesperson and MP Mkhuleko Hlengwa joined analyst and broadcaster Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to explain why the party is marching to City Press this Friday. Mkhuleko was at pains to explain they are doing so “as a last resort” in response to multiple “unsubstantiated” claims and “blatant lies” made by the City Press editor in his various columns, over several years, that IFP founder Mangosuthu Buthelezi is “a mass murderer”. McKaiser pressure-tested the objective of the march, asking whether the IFP wanted Makhanya to stop writing and to self-censor. In a vigorous debate, Mkhuleko insisted the IFP is committed to speech rights, but that the IFP also has a right to peaceful protest and that speech rights are not absolute. During the discussion, Mkhuleko claimed Makhanya cannot write “objectively” about Buthelezi because he is implicated in violence related to the IFP. When pushed further on this, Mkhuleko insisted he literally means Makhanya was involved in the killing of IFP members. TimesLIVE reached out to City Press editor Mondli Makhanya who dismissed the claim made about him by the IFP, saying "What Mkhuleko Hlengwa has said is "balderdash." When challenged for evidence, Mkhuleko promised to share documentary evidence with TimesLIVE to back it up. He said the IFP is willing to ventilate their claim in a legal forum. However, TimesLIVE has still not received the promised documentation. 

Historian Vashna Jaganarth was a guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE in an episode focused on understanding the long history of English monarchies. Jaganarth started off, setting aside political and moral questions about contemporary Britain, and focused on narrating a long, rich and interesting history of English monarchies. She shows how the territory now known as England was itself a site of violent contestation, based on the expansionist ideals of mainland European dynasties. Before British colonialism was even possible, argues Jaganarth, conquests within Great Britain were precursors to expanding the empire across the global south. This is why, in a lighthearted moment between host McKaiser and Jaganarth, the “backslapping” between Irish Twitter and black Twitter in recent days, is made sense of. Imperialism, explains Jaganarth, is not reducible to race, and started out with the subjugation of people within Great Britain, after the enclosure of land in the north. Racism emerges later as the empire expands, but class subjugation was the foundation of early monarchical violence and domination. McKaiser prompts Jaganarth to explain how the historical shift happens in the histories of English monarchies from blunt, violent, forays into foreign territories to modernity. This leads, in part, to a critical discussion whether, in modern times, the monarchy ought to be thought of as “benign”. Jaganarth argues against this view, and explains why, on a proper examination of the historical record, Elizabeth is morally and politically implicated in imperialism. She warns against the aesthetics of an innocent grandmother figure which obscures hard truths. The podcast ends with a brief discussion on whether all monarchies, including within SA, are compatible with constitutional democracy.

On his TimesLIVE podcast, contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser hosted senior investigative reporters Thanduxolo Jika and Sabelo Skiti. They engaged major news stories in the recent news cycle, diving below the headlines, offering interpretation and framing critical discussion about what matters. The first issue they debated was whether the apparent implosion of Cope is to be lamented. Skiti offered an argument for why the party was bound to be stillborn, if one had proper regard for the motives of the founders of the party, and how they went about setting up Cope. McKaiser countered it was, nevertheless, regrettable that competitive politics, which is a precondition for a democracy to flourish, is undermined by the infighting among Cope leaders. Jika explained the backstory to how former Transnet executives, including Brian Molefe, ended up in the docks this past week. There was also a discussion about the importance of seeing the value chain of justice being restored, with some indication that those who were at the heart of the state capture project may yet be held accountable. McKaiser cautioned, however, that the quality of the case built by the National Prosecuting Authority is important since convictions ultimately matter, and not only the initial steps of arrests and court proceedings being initiated. There was a parenthetical debate between Jika, Skiti and McKaiser about whether Molefe should be viewed as a “tragedy” given that, for many years, many people had regarded him as an exemplar of “black excellence”. Different were expressed on the issue, which listeners will judge for themselves. Stories about the rant by the Limpopo health MEC continue to dominate the news cycle. McKaiser’s guests weighed in, debating whether or not the ANC-led government is scapegoating foreigners or legitimately expressing discontent at the cost of illegal immigration. Jika expressed strong criticism of politicians who, in his view, weaponise the discontent of ordinary South Africans to deflect from their own governance records. He also argued that the real problem has a longer history, namely SA and the region’s failure to ensure the government in Zimbabwe does not repress its own people, and thereby creating the crisis that now has a regional dimension. Skiti agreed, developing the insight further by also arguing despite claiming to speak for the majority, the Limpopo health MEC cares equally little about poor South Africans as she does desperate foreigners. McKaiser noted a worrying trend among many South Africans to “fall” for the political game that many ANC politicians are playing in scapegoating foreigners. This “shooting the breeze” episode ended with a high-level debate about whether we could imagine a post-ANC-led state, and what that might look like.

Should the US be seen as a hegemonic power preying on Africa? Is it using Africa as a proxy for geopolitical battles with Russia and China? Or is the US merely interested in favourable economic diplomacy in Africa, as all countries should be across the world? How should the region view the US? What is the best strategic posture to adopt in international relations with the US? These were some of the questions posed by Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast this week. He again hosted Koffi Kouakou, well-known futurist and senior research fellow at The Centre for Africa-China Studies at the University of Johannesburg. Kouakou critiqued the actions of the US on the continent, arguing that a combination of military might and economic dominance results in an uneven relationship between the US and Africa.

EXPLAINED: Why EFF had the last say in AfriForum hate speech case Advocate Ben Winks joined Eusebius McKaiser on Eusebius on TimesLIVE to explain the judgment handed down on Thursday in the Equality Court, in which AfriForum's case against the EFF was dismissed. AfriForum had hoped the singing of the two songs, Kill the Boer and Biza amaFirebrigade (“call the fire brigade”) would be declared hate speech. The court did not grant this order, and in this explainer podcast, Winks and McKaiser walk us through the reasoning of the court, while also framing some of the wider social and political issues that flow from the judgment. 

In this short entry on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, the host initiates debate on a viral video. In it, Limpopo health MEC Dr Phophi Ramathuba is seen and heard berating a foreigner who is scheduled for surgery. McKaiser frames a political, medical ethics and realpolitik debate. He argues that her remarks are incompatible with appropriate forums for raising political concerns with other countries. He also opines that her remarks are incompatible with medical ethics. McKaiser adds that ANC politicians are scapegoating foreigners to avoid accountability for their systemic and leadership failures. Hear how he supports these arguments and decide where you fit in to this ongoing debate.

Former deputy finance minister Mcebisi Jonas says SA needs to be alert to “democratic backsliding”. He was a guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, where he teased the concept, discussing it within the context of realpolitik. Jonas said we often erroneously think democracies or states collapse only when there is, for example, a military coup. Democracies, he argued, can be weakened by people who use democratic processes to gain access to the state, then weaken it for anti-democratic ends.  He focused on three indicators of backsliding. First, unethical leaders can hijack democratic processes and contest for positions to capture power. This is then used for anti-democratic purposes. Second, democratic institutions can be hollowed out and compromised to repurpose them for anti-democratic ends. Third, state-sponsored violence and the politicisation of state security apparatus can be used to quash political opposition and civil society.   When asked how SA fares relative to these indicators, Jonas said despite ratings agencies not downgrading the country further, it is important to carefully examine the signs of democratic backsliding in our politics. He and McKaiser ended the podcast with a spirited debate, specifically about whether the ANC, as a political and ruling party, is capable of renewing itself and leading the country away from backsliding indicators. Jonas conceded that the ANC suffers a “crisis of reason” and one of “perspective”. He also said such is the disconnect between the party and communities it is meant to serve that its policy conference was akin to listening to people at Sun City pontificating about life in Soweto.

Makashule Gana has today resigned both as a member of the Democratic Alliance and as a member of the Gauteng legislature. He spoke to TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser about the reasons behind this decision. Gana has been a member of the party for twenty years, and occupied many leadership and governance positions during that time. He has served as DA Youth leader, deputy federal chairperson, and as an elections campaign manager. He has been a councillor representing the party in Johannesburg, as well as serving as a member of parliament (national assembly and national council of provinces). In a wide-ranging interview on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Gana argues that the DA is no longer interested in growth, but is focusing only on consolidation of its existing electoral support base. He cites several by-elections in recent times, including in Nelson Mandela Bay, where the party had not contested. Gana claims that these examples are exemplary of a party that no longer has ambition, and therefore could not unseat the ANC. When pressure tested by McKaiser as to why a party he had been a part of for two decades, including his own occupation of senior leadership positions within it, could suddenly be described as not appealing to a wide-ranging demographic of voters, Gana claims that there is a growing gap between what the party claims it is about and how it actually behaves politically.

Umkhonto weSizwe and ANC veteran Mavuso Msimang was a guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, discussing the importance of language and naming in politics after the victory of the Taliban slate in the recent ANC KwaZulu-Natal leadership contests. Msimang had penned a general lament about the poor quality of political leadership in KwaZulu-Natal. It included a comment about why it is regrettable to self-refer as Taliban when naming a group contesting for political positions in a democratic society. Msimang, prompted by host McKaiser, said conventions around naming signal your ideological positioning to the political market, and therefore should not to be regarded as frivolous and unimportant. He shared examples of political names, such as ones that might include a reference, to a Christian God, that would immediately establish a political party's identity. Given that words matter, the name Taliban, argued Msimang, conjures imagery of forces that are violent and misogynistic rather than ones that share the kind of values the ANC asserts, including sensitivity to gender justice. McKaiser suggested the political victory of this slate in KwaZulu-Natal must surely signal a bigger problem within the ANC itself? Msimang said it is disturbing the nomenclature had hardly caused a stir within the ANC, and said he, as a veteran, could therefore not defend the ANC as theoretically capable of redirecting on these kinds of issues. The discussion ended with Msimang and McKaiser drawing links between the naming controversy, and a general commitment, or lack thereof, to considerations of ethics within ANC leadership structures.

You might be perplexed by the debate in the governing ANC on the step-aside rule. Should the rule stay or go? What does the rule say? What should the public make of this “debate”, which has become a hot-button issue at the policy conference in Johannesburg? In this audio explainer, TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser grapples with the difference between law and ethics. He argues ethics must be distinguished from law. In turn, ethical leadership in our body politic is important. He explains this broader context in which a step-aside rule can be formulated. He also explains the ethical intuitions behind such a rule, and how it might be implemented. This explainer audio ends with a provocative discussion about why many ANC comrades resist embracing a culture of voluntarily stepping aside when they are implicated in wrongdoing. Sceptically, McKaiser concludes that poor regard for the general value and importance of ethical leadership accounts for why the ANC is divided over an issue that ought not to be a controversial matter.

In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he is joined by fellow political analyst Ebrahim Fakir, and they debate whether the ANC's policy conference this weekend will produce honest and productive debate on policy. Fakir has written a trenchant critique of the ANC's obsession, as he sees it, with externalising its problems. The ANC, argues Fakir, still posits “colonialism of a special kind” as the prism through which to understand contemporary ills in society. This approach, he argues, is anachronistic and dishonest, because it does not adequately refer to ANC governance failures which are the major drivers of our poor economic and socioeconomic indices. McKaiser and Fakir also discuss the past failures of the party to implement policies already adopted and which are now being repackaged for hackneyed discussion this weekend. An example of this, which McKaiser wrote about on TimesLIVE, is the ANC's discussion document on “organisational renewal”.  In 2012, the ANC committed to a “decade of renewal” which, argues McKaiser, has not played out as the party resolved. This led McKaiser and Fakir to also debate the extent to which the ANC's policy stocktaking, and debates, can be regarded as a bona fide festival of ideas. Fakir concedes that, though in his view the post-1994 era is still too short an historical period to talk about ANC conference patterns, McKaiser is justified in asserting that the conference, like ones before it, is best seen as a dress rehearsal for the elective conference scheduled for the end of this year. They end the discussion by reflecting on why, despite these analytic and political problems with the ANC, citizens interested in the state of the nation and in the health of our democracy have no choice but to keep tabs on what happens at ANC conferences. Do you agree with Fakir and McKaiser? Have a listen, and assess their analysis for yourself.

Koffi Kouakou, an African analyst and senior research fellow at The Centre for Africa-China Studies, said the SA passport should be changed to eliminate the use of French on the cover. He said there are significant symbolic, cultural, economic and geopolitical reasons for his proposal. Eusebius McKaiser, not convinced by the significance of this proposal, invited Kouakou to his TimesLIVE podcast to debate the matter. 

Former general secretary of Cosatu and premier of Gauteng, Mbhazima Shilowa, joined Eusebius McKaiser on his TimesLIVE podcast to dissect the SACP after the party's recent congress. Shilowa had written a provocative column in which he argues that the SACP is parasitic on the ANC, lacking the guts to contest elections on its own.

A year since the July 2021 unrests in KZN and Gauteng, there is still no clear factual account of what had happened. As covered in the Sunday Times last weekend, many individuals and families are living lives irreparably damaged by the riots, quite apart from the incalucable economic consequences for the country that resulted from the riots.  In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Sunday Times investigative reporters Thanduxolo Jika and Sabelo Skiti joined the podcast host to take stock of the events that had shocked the nation, and the international community, a year ago. Some of the issues framed by TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser, and discussed with the two senior investigative journalists, included the following: why do we still not know all of the facts? What factors within the justice cluster account for why there has been no justice for survivors and victims of the riots? Has the effects of state capture on policing begun to be dealt with as yet? What, too, of the popular uprising in Sri Lanka? Might similar scenes play out here, as a renewed iteration of the July 2021 riots, or are there salient dissimilarities between South Africa and Sri Lanka? Should the ANC learn lessons from places like Sri Lanka where citizens protested in part because of an unbearable cost of living crisis? 

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, political analyst Eusebius McKaiser frames several questions that are raised by the much reported exchange between member of Action Society, Ian Cameron, and police minister Bheki Cele. At a community safety event held at Gugulethu in Cape Town, Cameron appeared to be asking some robust questions about the efficacy of policing in the area, and Cele subsequently responded in a manner many have described as political bullying. In order to debate the issues, it is important to crystalise what the nexus questions are.

Eusebius on TimesLIVE hosted an energetic debate about a controversial limited-edition sneaker released by Balenciaga. The “distressed” design, which looks like very dirty, well-worn shoes that only people under conditions of extreme poverty may be reluctantly compelled to wear, retails at about $1,850 (R30,000). Mikhail Brown, who writes about the politics of fashion, framed a fascinating debate in the Sunday Times recently on whether the dirty and broken sneakers could be considered art. He excavated the biography of the designer to make sense of what the motivations were behind this work. In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, gender activist and director of Rise Up Against Gender Based Violence, Vanita Daniels, joined Brown to discuss a number of issues. Some questions they explored included: Is the design ugly? Can a sneaker be a work of art? Is functional value an exclusionary criterion in determining what counts as art? Does a motif that draws on the experiences of the poor, or those of oppressed and vulnerable groups, such as homeless people and refugees, count as unethical appropriation of their stories? Is it wrong for a work of art to be priced exorbitantly when it draws on struggle narrative? Is fashion necessarily political? Can I dress as I want without engaging issues of sustainability and ethics? A diverse range of views emerged, and no doubt many more will be added by listeners of Eusebius on TimesLIVE and provoked by Daniels and Brown in this latest episode.

In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, both the RAF and the AA were represented in a discussion about the fund, including whether the levy that goes to the RAF is optimally used. The CEO of the RAF, Collins Letsoalo, argued that the portion of the levy that goes to the RAF is not a dominant driver of the cost of fuel in SA. He cited externalities such as geopolitical factors in Europe and the strength of the rand in relation to the dollar pricing of oil as bigger cost drivers. The AA's Layton Beard agreed but argued that, nevertheless, just as a reduction in the general fuel levy mitigated against externalities in recent months, so too one should not minimise what a lower RAF levy could mean for consumers.  The biggest disagreement between these interlocutors, however, was in relation to the management and running of the RAF. The AA believes urgent private sector expertise is needed to improve the performance of the RAF. The RAF criticised the AA's view as one that assumes the private sector is a “panacea” for all ills.  There was also a discussion between the AA and the RAF about whether state-owned entities do enough to drive down fatalities on the roads. While both sides agree South Africans are insufficiently law-abiding, there was vigorous disagreement about the extent to which human behaviour, rather than the state of the country's roads, account for accidents.

Eusebius on TimesLIVE was joined by Gauteng co-operative governance and human settlements MEC Lebogang Maile to hear why he believes he should be elected ANC provincial chairperson. They started with a discussion about the need for modernisation in the ruling party. McKaiser said voters of Maile’s age and younger are turned off by opaque ANC leadership contests. Maile partly agreed, but defended a mixture of some ANC traditions being maintained, and some cultural changes being introduced to engage voters not beholden to ANC traditions. McKaiser asked him to explain his leadership ambition. While pointing out that even if he loses the contest for chairperson he would happily be seconded anywhere within the party and state, Maile said he wishes to use his experience within government and the party to turn around the provincial electoral fortunes of the ANC. In response McKaiser said empirical data shows the ANC has failed to deliver services, and voters do not buy its promises. This is why surveys show declining trust levels in politics and towards democratic institutions. Maile asserted that the ANC’s record in government is better than the host of the podcast was arguing. He did, however, concede that data matters less than the experiences of citizens. He said unless Gauteng residents experienced effective service delivery, it would be difficult to attract their votes. McKaiser provocatively suggested education MEC Panyaza Lesufi might be seen as “calmer” than Maile, who many claim is “hot-headed”. The MEC defended his style of political engagement and said he is known to be “robust” because he values being “truthful” about his views and feelings.

Arena Holdings group CEO Mzi Malunga is the guest on this latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE. They explored the question of whether the business model of media, as some might argue, is broken. They started with host Eusebius McKaiser briefly teasing out Malunga's career in journalism which goes back to the 1980s. He has performed many roles within the previous corporate  incarnations of Arena, first as a journalist and then on the commercial and managerial sides. About 10 years ago he exited and only returned in recent months in this new leadership role that requires a vision of how to make the business of media, sustainable.  McKaiser challenged Malunga to make the case for why and how newspapers, for example, could still create value for owners and shareholders. In the context of shrinking advertising budgets and decreasing circulation figures, Malunga is surprisingly optimistic, and in the recording of the episode provided details on why he maintains that posture despite what naysayers think.  McKaiser further questioned this optimism by suggesting that media companies are struggling to overcome their “original sin”, that is giving away content for free, and now unable to reverse a culture of consumer non-payment. Malunga conceded the challenge of monetisation, but explains in the interview why he does not see this revenue challenge as intractable.  They ended the conversation by discussing the strategic importance of multiple revenue streams and having a critical number of employees, especially editors, who truly get the 21st century challenge rather than yearning for pre-digital models that are permanently gone.

The 2020 Booker Prize winner, Douglas Stuart, spoke to Eusebius McKaiser about his sensational second novel, Young Mungo. Stuart became an international writing sensation after his debut novel, Shuggie Bain, won the Booker, and gained him countless readers and fans in the literary world. In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, they explored the story of Mungo in great detail. "Young Mungo is set in Glasgow and tells the story of Mungo and his family. They are a working-class Protestant family, with plenty of trials and tribulations. His mom, Maureen, is an alcoholic. His brother, Hamish, several years older, is addicted to violence, and his sister Jodie, desperate to escape the horror of their circumstances, is forced to play mother to her younger brother Mungo because Maureen is never around." Stuart and McKaiser ended with a discussion about the biographical aspects of being a writer (and now an internationally successful one at that), and finally about how his work should be classified (if at all). They meditated, in particular, on the pros and cons of being reduced to or regarded as "a queer writer".

Africa is "the last business frontier" and that is why geopolitical tensions between countries like France and Russia include a renewed scramble for Africa. This is the view of Koffi Kouakou, an Africa analyst and senior fellow at The Centre of Africa-China Studies at the University of Johannesburg. He unravelled this claim in detail in the latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE. Kouakou started off by narrating the continued effects of French colonialism on the African continent. He provided, and explained, evidence of economic, military and cultural domination from colonial times that still endure, in many concrete ways, today. When challenged by McKaiser about the role of neo-colonial, political predator elites that took over from the French, Kouakou explained how the relationship between France (and French companies and the French military) are self-serving, often repressive black-led governments result in economic ruin for ordinary citizens, quite apart from human rights abuses when there is popular dissent. Blame is to be apportioned between colonial powers and repressive post-colonial governments. McKaiser asked Kouakou what the core tension between France and Russia is geopolitically, and why Africans should care? In the remainder of this riveting political history and realpolitik discussion, Kouakou explains how France's lack of moral authority on the continent means that Russia is a competitor threat insofar as Russia is forging relationships with many African countries, focusing in particular on assisting governments with security support in the fight against (to take but one example) domestic terrorism in some African countries. In countries where the French military presence has not alleviated terrorism but simply acted as an extension of repressive government apparatus, citizens would be more receptive, potentially, to Russian overtures. This is true too of countries that remain very poor despite extractive industries that generate enormous value.

University of Cape Town's professor Pierre de Vos joined Eusebius to explain the central legal terms in the allegations made against president Cyril Ramaphosa by former spy boss Arthur Fraser. De Vos explained the different elements of the Currency and Exchanges guidelines issued by the Reserve Bank, which must be read in conjunction with the Currency and Exchanges Act 9 of 1993. These set up several obligations that someone operating a business that gets US Dollars from their clients or customers must comply with. The factual investigation underway in the Ramaphosa matter should aim to determine whether there was in fact compliance. Failure to comply, explained professor De Vos, is a criminal offence with penalties that include a maximum fine of R250 000 or imprisonment not exceeding five years. Ramaphosa is also alleged by Fraser to be guilty, on the face of it, of money laundering. De Vos explains what the legal definition of money laundering is, and why the reported evidence suggests that, on this complaint, pending further investigation, Fraser may be on weaker legal ground than with the allegations about flouting currency regulations. The final legal issue de Vos discussed on Eusebius on TimesLIVE is what the implications are in law of the president allegedly having paid the alleged criminals to remain silent. If these specific factual claims from Fraser, on this issue, were to be corroborated, Ramaphosa would, as de Vos explains in the podcast, likely be guilty of flouting several different pieces of legislation. McKaiser and de Vos ended the discussion by reflecting on the non-legal implications of this fracas, such as the question of the president's trustworthiness, that may now be raised in the court of public opinion. De Vos slayed the legal myth that the fact that the matter is undergoing investigation means that the president cannot speak on it publicly. He can and should take the public into his confidence about the nexus facts.

In a wide ranging interview on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, former finance minister Trevor Manuel made some explosive further claims in relation to the legal action he has initiated against broadcaster JJ Tabane. Manuel claims that well-known radio personality DJ Sbu, who had hosted Tabane on his podcast platform, had taken down the episode in which Tabane had claimed that Manuel had been part of conversations about setting up the nascent opposition party, Cope. Manuel also claimed that DJ Sbu had apologised to him. When pressed by McKaiser on why he wants to pursue legal action when his record speaks for itself, Manuel insisted that he is motivated by an affirmation of the truth, and opined that Tabane's apparent lack of evidence for his assertions is akin to Trump-style misinformation campaigns. McKaiser also pressed Manuel on whether Cope was a bad idea at the time of its conception, and he conceded that it was not a bad idea before explaining why the project, in his view, had failed. Manuel ended off by saying that he is not afraid of being litigious, citing his battles with EFF as an example. He branded the EFF leaders as racist, comparing them to Stellenbosch student Theuns du Toit (who had urinated on a black student's belongings).

In a wide ranging interview about the state of our economy, Eusebius McKaiser hosted Black Business Council president Elias Monage on his TimesLIVE podcast. Monage argued that the state of the economy is bad news for business and job creation, as a result of multiple causal factors. State-owned companies are meant to be engines of economic growth but instead, says Monage, they contribute too many economic uncertainties and weaknesses such as energy insecurity and public infrastructure decay. This isn't only bad news for industrialists in key sectors of the economy such as manufacturing. It also hurts, he explained, entrepreneurs and small businesses, such as a woman who cannot bake her amagwinya when the lights go off. Equally, the state of Prasa means that those lucky enough to have a job at all are at the mercy of public transport that is not reliable, safe and affordable. Monage pointed out that many workers end up working just in order to afford going to work, meaning they spend a large portion of money on transportation and have little left for their key needs, savings, etc. It is therefore both big business and ordinary citizens who suffer from the state of the state. Poor leadership, in his opinion, is a big driver of these weaknesses. When McKaiser pushed him about corporate culpability, he readily agreed that leadership failures exist both within the state and also within business. In fact, Monage went so far as to indirectly criticise the state capture commission for not making stronger recommendations about punishment for companies and CEOs that captured the state. He argues that many companies admit to their roles in state capture, simply pay a fine and then continue doing business with the state because they know consequences will not be tougher than that. He argues that we should see guilty corporate leaders criminally convicted, as well as political leaders they were and are in cahoots with. The discussion ended with a trenchant critique from Monage

The law only allows three exceptions to the use of symbols of hate such as the old SA flag. These exceptions include the usage of the symbol for purposes of bona fide artistic ends, academic endeavour or journalism. The gratuitous display of the old SA flag, for these reasons, have been declared as constituting hate speech. AfriForum is hoping to persuade the supreme court of appeal that general free speech rights are impermissibly restricted by such a declaration. The Nelson Mandela Foundation as well the Human Rights Commission argued that AfriForum's view, in turn, took inadequate account of the rights of dignity and equality which constrain the free speech rights AfriForum are asserting. The SCA now has to adjudicate the matter. In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, advocate Ben Winks, who represented the NMF, joined McKaiser to discuss an aspect of the case that has been under the radar. What happens if a black person or a black-led and pro-black organisation used the old SA flag as part of their political speech rights such as, say, waving it publicly as a trenchant critique of the quality of the current ANC government? Would such usage also be deemed to be a celebration of white supremacy? Or ought we to distinguish such cases from the gratuitous display of the flag by right-wing organisations? How should the law handle this? Besides, such an instance would not be artistic, academic or journalistic? Should the law be expanded to include political usage of such symbols as another exemption from the hate speech laws? Winks and McKaiser did not arrive at clear conclusions but framed the inherent legal, political and ethical complexities these questions occasion. 

In the latest edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE we explain a judgment handed down on Tuesday in the Western Cape High Court that directs Steinhoff to hand over, within 10 days, a 2019 PwC report it had commissioned to look into the 2017 collapse of the company. Financial Mail editor Rob Rose, who is the second applicant in the matter, explained why the judgment is important. First, the court made it clear Steinhoff cannot rely on the status of being a private company to escape the reach and scope of the Promotion of Access to Information Act. McKaiser and Rose discussed the importance of this legal conclusion in helping to ensure that not only the public sector but also private players are held maximally accountable for their actions. Second, McKaiser pointed out that the judgment not only asserted the importance of media freedom but related it to freedom of expression more fundamentally. Rose said the reason this matters is not to allow journalists to dig up information as an end in itself but ultimately to enable the public to know the facts about what is happening in society. McKaiser, agreeing with Rose, explained these rights are often wrongly seen as workplace demands from journalists but, in reality, both the right to freedom of expression and media freedom exist to ensure citizens are able to enjoy their political rights. Without a free flow of information that is not possible. That is why accessing a document like the PwC report is important, and the ruse of “legal privilege” was not accepted by the court. Finally, Rose told McKaiser he hopes the PwC report will be handed over rather than there being further legal resistance. McKaiser and Rose ended the discussion by considering the business and ethical reasons why Steinhoff should choose transparency instead of further troubling the courts.

TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser hosted a Twitter spaces conversation with senior Sunday Times investigative reporter Thanduxolo Jika in which they explored whether the latest instalment of the Zondo commission's report into state capture gets us closer to justice or not. The first part of the conversation delved into some of the commission's findings to then explore the implications for our democracy. Jika, who has covered the state capture story for many years, detailed examples from part four of the Zondo report, such as the Free State asbestos debacle, that establishes the facts of grand-scale looting from the state. Importantly, he points out, the commission was able to connect many dots forensically, such as former president Jacob Zuma's ubiquitous presence in the Gupta brothers' execution of their state capture project. The centrality of Zuma is now well established. The losers are millions of people who did not receive state services they were legally entitled to and politically promised, such as the removal of asbestos. 

That was the framing question of this latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE in which ANC member Chrispin Phiri articulated his critique of his party's suboptimal internal electoral processes. The first part of the discussion reflected on the history of the party that has led to an opaque and insufficiently democratic set of practices. Phiri argues that historically the party had seen some candidates as endowed with the ideal skills for certain leadership positions but that this had the inadvertent effect of reducing internal contestation at times. Alternatively, at other times, there appears to be vigorous contestation but there are no clear rules around articulating and defending one's vision and candidacy. There should be, he argues, more demanding threshold criteria for anyone wishing to get elected. Such a modern demand for publicly defending your vision and candidacy has not taken root within the organisation. This leads, at times, to internal electoral contests collapsing into sheer populism.  Phiri added that even for branches it is undesirable to not be able to then offer substantive explanations and reasons in support of those they nominate to positions of leadership.  He agreed with TimesLIVE contributor and analyst McKaiser that one consequence of this substantively anti-democratic culture is that some ANC cadres, not used to the demands of offering reasons for their views and actions, unsurprisingly carry that attitude into the state, and then not doing well as civil servants when the law demands of them to offer reasons for how they exercise state power. There is therefore a clear connection between the antiquated ANC elections culture, and some of the cultural problems within the state that lead to unlawful and unethical behaviour. 

University of Western Cape gender and religion scholar Professor Sarojini Nadar  responded to an article by TimesLIVE analyst and contributor, Eusebius McKaiser, in which he had argues that the God he was taught about in Catholicism does not exist. McKaiser argues that the characteristics of being all-loving, all-powerful and all-knowing are incompatible with the existence of natural evils like devastating floods and earthquakes. Nadar did not reject all of McKaiser' philosophical analysis, but expanded the conversation by explaining why she had abandoned, in her own personal journey and academic work, a conception of God that invokes notions of "might, masculinity and militarism." In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Nadar expands on the conversation that had begun on TimesLIVE. She started off by sharing her personal journey from a Pentecostal upbringing to her discovery of black, feminist and queer works which engage her faith. Thereafter, McKaiser challenged Nadar on whether the very idea of a transcendental being is necessary in order for one to be committed to black radical thought, feminism and justice. They also discussed the strategic importance of engaging and working with religious communities in order to achieve social justice in society, regardless of what one thinks about the metaphysical claims of those who believe in a supernatural being.  Nadar and McKaiser also reflected on religion and humour, and whether it is ever wrong to have playful discussion about religious beliefs. They ended the episode by debating whether or not it is important for religious beliefs to be true or whether religious beliefs and practices can be defended wholly instrumentally by appealing to the (potential) benefits for individuals and society.  

Sunday Times senior investigative reporter Sabelo Skiti was a guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, discussing parliament's ethics committee's decision to exonerate former health minister Dr Zweli Mkhize on accusations of violating the parliamentary code of ethics. The committee found that, in essence, Mkhize did not breach the code because his son, who allegedly benefited from a Digital Vibes tender in the health ministry, is not a close family member, as per the definition of close family membership as specified in the code. His adult son, concluded the committee, is not a dependent of the minister and thus the code of ethics is not implicated. The committee also concluded that the former minister cannot be said to have benefited from malfeasance related to renovations at a property in his name since the paper trail does not indict him in his own name but that of some other Mkhize who was doing the transactions, and receiving invoices, related to the renovations. Skiti explained in this podcast episode the factual detail that undermines the ethics committee's counter-intuitive conclusions about Mkhize. When the paper trail, and chronology of events related to the R150 million communications tender scandal, is properly analysed, argues Skiti, it is irresistible to conclude wrongdoing on the part of the former minister. McKaiser and Skiti also discuss the unconvincing narrow interpretation of the code of ethics, agreeing that an exploration of the purpose of the legislation and the intention of the drafters, could easily have enabled the committee to hold the former minister accountable, knowing they are doing so lawfully. They end the podcast by discussing several serious negative implications for both Mkhize and parliament itself resulting from this flagrant disregard of the constitutional duty to provide effective oversight over cabinet. 

Well-known South African author and commentator Sisonke Msimang examined the multiple meanings and implications of violence against foreign nationals as a guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE. In the first part of the conversation, they develop a thick account of what it all means. McKaiser argues that while 1994 represents a genuine rupture in South African political history, echoes of apartheid South Africa cannot be ignored, such as the dompas system that sought to regulate who can live and work in particular parts of the country. Msimang, agreeing with the analogy, added other insights such as the marking out of some bodies as legitimate and others not. The dehumanising of the apartheid-era 'othering' is being reproduced in this moment of anti-foreigner violence and populist politics. Msimang conceded that legitimate popular discontent with the material conditions under which millions of impoverished black South Africans live, account in part for the anti-foreigner turn. However, she cautioned against the use of explanatory models to turn a blind eye to naked bigotry. Going further, she argues that Afrophobia unites many South Africans across our class, language and geographic differences. McKaiser and Msimang both argue that South African political parties are preying on legitimate discontent, tapping into the frustrations of South Africans by whipping up anti-foreigner sentiment. Citizens should put the state on trial, they argue, and not foreigners as such. Even the governing African National Congress, they caution, is pulling a fast one by showing solidarity with citizens in this moment as a way to avoid being judged for a failing bureaucracy they should take responsibility for. Msimang ended the episode with a brief sketch of a pan-African cosmopolitanism that we should forge, against the violent and exclusionary politics of othering and hating our neighbours.

Political analyst Ebrahim Fakir painted a dire picture on Eusebius on TimesLIVE about the true total cost of the leadership crisis within the governing African National Congress. With fellow political analyst and podcast host Eusebius McKaiser, Fakir explored the consequences of unethical leadership within the ANC going unpunished. Many examples, from the perjury conviction of former social development minister Bathabile Dlamini to murder-accused Mandla Msibi being elected as ANC Mpumalanga treasurer-general, suggest that unethical and even criminal conduct are not obstacles to occupying positions of leadership within the governing party. The nexus question of this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE is what the democratic consequences of these trends are, given that the ANC is a massive social movement within our society, and (for now, still) the largest political party by some distance. Citing robust empirical data, Fakir argues that there has been a sharp decline in the levels of public trust in various democratic institutions, including a decline in the public's trust of political parties. This, in turn, is also matched by increased levels of stay away from, and non-participation in, elections. This, he argues, does not bode well for the continued legitimacy of the governing ANC. Mckaiser and Fakir both explored, furthermore, how the impunity of criminal and unethical leaders result in poor governance, and thereby opening up space for populist politics, including dangerous anti-foreigner sentiments from various opposition leaders and parties, all capitalising on the discontent of the proverbial masses. These two interlocutors also debated whether the ANC's confidence is justified that the party, as a social movement, has deep roots within communities, roots that mitigate against the critical analysis of commentators. Using empirical data, however, Fakir explained why such a view is evidence-insensitive, and argued that the ANC, in the best case scenario, might

There can be no doubt after the local government election results of last year that the governing ANC is in deep political trouble. Many analysts take for granted that in 2024 there is a real possibility of the ANC receiving less than 50% of the national vote, ushering in an era of coalition politics nationally and provincially. This is premised on the assumption that the ANC cannot be saved from terminal electoral decline. In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, well-known and experienced former journalists Thabo Shole-Mashao and Lance Claasen joined Eusebius to examine the possibility of the ANC recovering from its steady electoral decline of recent times. They explored whether the political brand of the ANC is irredeemably and near fatally damaged by the effects of state capture on the reputation of the governing party. They also debated whether the leadership crisis in the ANC, both the ethical and technocratic dimensions, can be fixed before 2024 or whether that is an impossible task. Lastly, drawing on the public relations, communications and reputation management expertise of both guests (in their post-journalism careers), this episode ended with a provocative question posed by the host: “Assuming the ANC cannot fix its problems before 2024, what is the best strategy to convince voters not to abandon the party?”

In a sit-down interview with TimesLIVE analyst and contributor, Eusebius McKaiser, now former Democratic Alliance politician and leader Mbali Ntuli explained in detail her reasons for exiting both the party and the political stage. On Eusebius on TiimesLIVE, she painted a picture of a political culture that had taken root within the DA that is factionalist in nature, leading to the "weaponising" of party structures and processes, including disciplinary processes, for factional ends. While describing herself as being "emotional" about her shock announcement today, she intimated that plenty of thought and planning had gone into the decision. Another reason for her decision to quit the DA was a general feeling of despair that South Africa's party political system is not delivering justice and equity for communities across the country. This, she shared with McKaiser, made her re-examine whether she herself is sufficiently grounded still within communities, despite being part of representative political structures and systems. She was alluding to a crisis within politics generally, and felt that pivoting towards community-based work in the immediate future, as she intends to do, is important for re-connecting with ordinary South Africans across the country. While not undermining the work of legislative bodies, she argues that it is "easy" to do committee work, for example, and to be disconnected from communities. She intends, however, to return to politics in the future because it is "in the blood" but has no plans of presently joining another political vehicle.

With almost half of South Africans who are capable of working not being in the labour market, it is necessary to focus on all aspects of the unemployment crisis in South Africa. This week's edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE contributes to that challenge by hosting a discussion with professional coach Dawn Klatzko, aimed at developing a mentoring toolkit. Klatzko helped to answer three questions: what is required of you to be an effective mentee? What are the traits of an ideal mentor? And, relating these roles to one another, how does one set up a relationship dynamic that is optimal for both the mentee and the mentor? The podcast has a very practical focus ranging from hard-hitting truths about what is required to form new habits and skills as a mentee, mistakes that are made when thinking about who to approach as a mentor, and tips on how to set up a contract to guide the practical interactions between mentor and mentee. The discussion ended with an interesting set of reflections on why mentoring is not only a selfless act but also has numerous practical personal benefits for the expert also.

Duma Gqubule (Centre for Economic Development and Transformation) discussed this year's national budget as a guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE. He argued that the government's projection of an economic growth rate below 2% over the next few years will result in greater levels of unemployment which, in turn, will increase social strife in South Africa. One of several government mistakes, argues Gqubule, is to focus relentlessly on keeping the debt level as low as possible, and slavishly obsessing about inflation targeting. Although anathema to some economists, Gqubule made a passionate case for why an ambitious stimulus package is necessary in order to unlock economic growth within the economy. If, for example, we were to enjoy another commodities windfall, he argues, that income should be used to stimulate growth, and to unlock jobs rather than to quickly pay off our national debt. Gqubule ended the conversation by explaining why the analogy of a household budget to make sense of a national budget is flawed. He also commented on the false dichotomy of seeing job creation as either wholly a state duty or one that squarely befalls private enterprise. He explained how we are collectively implicated in the jobs crisis across the various sectors of society.

Legal scholar, political analyst and author Professor Richard Calland joined Eusebius McKaiser to debate South Africa's abstention from a United Nations  resolution condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Calland argued that much of the public debate about South Africa's foreign policy position lacks nuance, appropriate contextualisation and historicism. He insists, for example, on driving a wedge between political principals within the state who might be crudely supportive of Russian leader Vladimir Putin, and seasoned dilpomats within the department of international relations and cooperation who are motivated a genuine commitment to the principle of non-alignment on the global stage. 

In this latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, there emerges a diverse range of views about how to evaluate finance minister Enoch Godongwana's maiden national budget.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Hennie van Vuuren, director of Open Secrets, explains why, despite excellent work done by the state capture inquiry, the commission headed by Justice Raymond Zondo could have been more nuanced in at least six respects.  Eusebius McKaiser and Van Vuuren discuss how some of the Zondo commission’s analyses were important case studies of parts of the state, but did not necessarily lead to adequate systems analysis to enable citizens to understand the general methods of the looters, with a view to developing early warning systems in future. 

TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser examined president Cyril Ramaphosa's state of the nation address. He argues that the president delivered his speech more persuasively than usual, with apparent control over the detail of the narrative, and with admirable speaker energy, notwithstanding major crises within both the African National Congress and the state. However, McKaiser warns against setting the political leadership bar too low. He pushes back against those praising the president for his "honesty", and for taking responsibility for the various governance weaknesses under his leadership.

In Eusebius on TimesLIVE, former DA leader Athol Trollip explained how his respite from politics, and venturing into consultancy, allowed him to see anew the experiences of ordinary South Africans across towns and cities in the Eastern Cape and elsewhere. Having observed the affects of state capture, he decided to re-enter politics after engaging ActionSA leader Herman Mashaba on some crucial questions about his party’s constitution, and hot button issues such as immigration and the accusation of xenophobia levelled at Mashaba and the party.

In a wide-ranging interview on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, former Midvaal mayor Bongani Baloyi explained why he did not vote for his now former party, the DA, in last year’s local government elections. He was at pains to explain to the host, Eusebius McKaiser, how he slowly started feeling estranged from the DA after policy shifts that did not resonate with his political and personal convictions. In particular, he says, the abandonment by the party of using race as a proxy for disadvantage entrenched his conviction that there is a lack of empathy from the party, including the leader John Steenhuisen, of the lived experiences of black people. Baloyi also revealed to McKaiser that he had begun to feel like a poster child for the party, but never really “seen” by the party leadership. This manifested, he said, in a refusal to engage him intellectually on his views about the party, and he answered in the affirmative when asked by the host whether he is implying that the party had “infantilised” him despite his record of leadership and years of service. The latter part of the interview focuses on critical questions about why Baloyi joined ActionSA instead. When pressed by McKaiser on similarities in the political convictions between his new leader Herman Mashaba and the politics of DA leaders Helen Zille and Steenhuisen, Baloyi tried to make a case for differences between the political vehicles.

In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he explores the claim by some critics of Neil Young that the rockstar has abandoned his commitment to free speech. Young's music was taken off Spotify after he had given them an ultimatum to either kick podcaster Joe Rogan off their platform for disseminating false information about vaccines or to remove his music if they were not prepared to censure the popular podcast host. They sided with their biggest money-making podcaster. Interestingly, many have argued that Young's ultimatum to Spotify constitutes intolerance towards those who happen to hold a different view to him. McKaiser links the Neil Young case study to an aspect of the debate about minister Lindiwe Sisulu's column in which she had attacked the judiciary, the constitution and the rule of law. Some of her defenders had also claimed that her critics have abandoned any respect for freedom of speech. In this episode, McKaiser argues that it is both unhelpful and inaccurate to claim that speech rights are at issue in these debates. He explains how the real issue is about whether the content of Rogan's podcast and of Sisulu's columns are reckless or harmful. While we can disagree on the latter issue, argues McKaiser, it is not correct to frame such criticism of Rogan or of Sisulu as a slide towards authoritarianism.

How should white people respond to their positionality in a world in which anti-black racism proliferates? How should men respond to their positionality in a world in which patriarchy proliferates? What does it mean to be an ally of black people? What does it mean to be an ally of women? What are the true requirements of ubuntu, and what action steps should be taken by allies to truly be productive in helping to smash racism and patriarchy. This episode of In Eusebius in TimesLIVE examines both male privilege and white privilege. It features Sue de Groot, deputy features editor of Sunday Times. We explain our respective unearned privileges and engage critically on the wider issues that flow from there.

Eusebius discussed Black Consciousness, liberation theology and white liberals with Harvard University doctoral candidate and author Panashe Chigumadzi. In this latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Chigumadzi starts off by explaining why it is important for black people to not be distracted by anti-black racism, puzzling through the conundrum that racism cannot be avoided in analysis and activism but that, nevertheless, aspects of the justice project requires white people to do work on and amongst themselves without the presence of black people.

In this week's edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Eusebius offers some initial insights, as TimesLIVE contributor and analyst, into part one of the state capture report. He explains the difference between ordinary corruption and state capture, and why it is crucial to understand the true nature of state capture which is worse than mere corruption. He also argues that we should reckon, as a country, with the true total cost of state capture which includes the damaging of our constitutional architecture. McKaiser ends his analysis by challenging civil society to reframe the question of whether or not there will be accountability as a first person question, "What will I do to hold the state and business accountable?" He agitates for civil society to leverage its collective agency to ensure that it is not business as usual now that we are empowered with the facts about what has been and is happening within the country.

In this riveting live discussion, contributor and analyst for TimesLIVE, Eusebius McKaiser, is joined by senior investigative journalist at the Sunday Times, Sabelo Skiti, and advocate Nicole Fritz, director of the Helen Suzman Foundation, to unpack the findings contained in the first report from the state capture inquiry. The first part of the report was released on Tuesday afternoon. Was the state capture inquiry worth the time, effort and money poured into it, or was the inquiry chaired by acting chief justice Raymond Zondo yet another waste of state resources? 

Sunday Times columnist Prof William Gumede argues that political parties should either be willing to introspect after the recent local government elections or “close shop”. He appeared on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, responding to a sustained critique of his recent work by veteran ANC leader and activist Mavuso Msimang. Msimang had accused Gumede of “intellectual paucity” for speculating about the reasons why many voters had this time not chosen to vote ANC. Gumede inferred from the recent electoral outcome that voters intentionally sought to bring about coalitions, which Msimang thinks is an unsubstantiated claim too many pundits are making. This dialectic between these well-known thinkers is, at its core, about whether the ANC may be able to reverse its electoral fortunes, or whether a new era of coalitions will take root at provincial and national levels.

Veteran ANC leader and activist Mavuso Msimang has critiqued the leadership of President Cyril Ramaphosa in a frank discussion with TimesLIVE contributor and analyst Eusebius McKaiser. Msimang argues that Ramaphosa’ fundamental mistake is being “too cautious” and playing a “long game” instead of moving quickly against those who are self-interested and not aligned with the values of the organisation. He says the president should leverage his popularity — knowing that personally it is even bigger than that of the ANC — to chart a new way forward. Instead, argues Msimang, Ramaphosa’s cautious approach allows those interested in corruption to regroup.In a wide-ranging conversation in this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, Msimang also offers a sustained critique of Sunday Times Daily columnist William Gumede’s post-election analysis. He accuses Gumede of displaying “intellectual paucity” for lacking the necessary empirical data to support an argument that voters voted for coalition governance. Msimang cautions analysts to not use “emotion” when analysing electoral patterns and argues that there is no proof voters had “a priori” intention to usher in coalition governments. While scathing of corruption within the ANC-led state, Msimang thinks the ruling party, DA and EFF may do better, but that each has major internal weaknesses that will need to be eliminated to improve their future electoral prospects.

Eusebius McKaiser is joined by University of Cape Town (UCT) law professor, author and political analyst Richard Calland in his latest episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE. They discuss whether a mandatory state vaccination policy will pass the rights limitations test of the constitution. Calland explains why the core requirements of rationality and favourable analysis of competing rights that are at stake will ultimately fall on the side of mandatory vaccinations. The efficacy of vaccines and absence of less restrictive means of dealing effectively with Covid-19 are legal premises, based on scientific evidence, that could persuade the bench. The discussion then segues into political analysis, with a focus on President Cyril Ramaphosa’s leadership. McKaiser and Calland are of the view, and offer arguments in support thereof, that Ramaphosa is no crisis president. His style and approach to problem-solving is admirably collaborative, but this is not appropriate within the context of a deep crisis that requires decisive thought leadership and action rather than agnosticism. Calland urges the president to ignore the noise of anti-vaccine campaigners and focus on sound science as the basis of rational policy formation.

In this edition of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, he was joined by Judi Nwokedi, Chair of the AIDS Consortium in South Africa, to take stock of the war against HIV/AIDS on World AIDS Day. South Africa has the largest antiretroviral rollout programme in the world. Yet, despite this achievement, Nwokedi warns against complacency. She argues that it is a mistake to think of living with HIV as being akin to having any other chronic illnesses such as diabetes and hypertension. HIV comes with “a lot of excess baggage” unlike other chronic illnesses. In many families, it is still not spoken about and many people living with HIV experience derision from others. The war against HIV/AIDS, she warns us, will not end by 2030 if we do not deal stigma a fatal blow.

Michael Beaumont, national chairperson of ActionSA, faced questions on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, about why his party had seemingly contradicted itself by describing the Democratic Alliance as dishonest over the weekend yet voting for its mayoral candidates this week. He attempted to defend their voting choices by drawing a distinction between supporting the DA per se and ensuring the African National Congress is cliffed, insisting the latter motivation trumps the "dishonesty" of the DA. McKaiser also engaged him on the political differences between ActionSA and the DA, and he conceded that "there is overlap" between the parties but that there are also "values differences" such as their different positions on race. He characterised the DA as being colour-blind whereas ActionSA, by contrast, accepts and understands the historical reality of racialised identities. Beaumont conceded, however, that his party had yet to fully develop a clear identity beyond contesting the local elections. McKaiser and Beaumont also explored other themes including the reality, which Beaumont conceded, that the party cannot survive without the leader Herman Mashaba, and that coalition arrangements are likely to be unstable because of a lack of political maturation within South African body politic. McKaiser, lastly, also pressured Beumont to explain reports of a journalist, Edwin Ntshidi, who had been sworn in as an ActionSA PR councilor, suggesting apparent unethical behaviour if the conflict of interest had not been declared while he was freelancing as a journalist during the elections. Beamont confirmed that the party is "investigating" the matter.

In this first Afrikaans interview on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, McKenzie dodges bullets from Eusebius McKaiser who engaged him on his decision to form coalitions with the ANC in municipalities.McKenzie criticises both the DA and the ANC, but attempts to offer justification for why the ANC is preferable to work with despite its shoddy governance record. McKenzie also explains his view that overlapping principles are irrelevant when forming coalitions, and that one should rather talk about the business of sharing membership of mayoral committees and other important portfolios and positions within councils.These powerful positions are necessary, he argues, to ensure tenders and job opportunities reach "[his] people”, referring in particular to coloured people, and working class and unemployed South Africans generally.He goes so far as to claim that he would even have been willing to negotiate with the erstwhile AWB, because leaders should rise above value differences when no-one received an outright majority.The discussion ended with a probe of the PA’s ultimate purpose.

Eusebius decided to hang out with the Democratic Alliance's nominee for deputy mayor of uMngeni Municipality, Sandile Mnikathi. Interestingly, he does not identify as a liberal but as a social democrat. On Eusebius on TimesLIVE he explained the difference. He also tells us about his personal biography and how, as the son of a domestic worker, he has come to live comfortably within a blended family featuring black and white family but which is not a life that is crudely reducible to race as such. The discussion ended with a description of the plans for the Municipality, Mnikathi's response to those who think he is excitingly young but maybe too inexperienced for the job, and finally some thoughts on his academic journey including his research focus for his PhD which flows from his Master's work.

Eusebius invited fellow columnist and veteran journalist and editor Peter Bruce to discuss the local government election results. They explored a number of themes, including how the electoral hegemony of the ANC has been dislodged and what the political implications are. They also discussed the realities facing the DA and the EFF, that the electoral data clearly demonstrates that the two biggest opposition parties are not immune to voter discontent. Bruce, who has observed elections here and in the UK for many decades, made an interesting argument about the massive potential of Herman Mashaba, leader of ActionSA, to get enormous financial backing from business leaders who have been secretly waiting to back an economically conservative black politician, and who can find that economic conviction and conservative politics in Mashaba. They ended their discussion by stepping back from the details, and assessing the general state of the country’s democracy and its overall economic health. 

Former DA leader and founder of One South Africa Movement Mmusi Maimane spoke to Eusebius McKaiser about how his exit from the DA has allowed him to grow, and with it his new “lit” persona on Twitter. On Eusebius on TimesLIVE he also critiqued the electoral system and explained why reform is crucial to improve governance. Maimane confirmed that he will return to formal politics next year and remarked that he is “not coy” about his political ambition. He explained why and how the results of Monday’s local government elections bolster his intuition about the limitations of the parties that dominate South African politics.

In a wide-ranging discussion on Eusebius on TimesLIVE, ActionSA's mayoral candidate for Johannesburg, Herman Mashaba, engaged host Eusebius McKaiser on his vision for the city. Mashaba suggested he would prioritise both a skills audit and a lifestyle audit upon occupying the position of Johannesburg mayor in order to break corrupt patronage networks within the municipality. He explained what his views are on coalition politics and vehemently ruled out the possibility of a coalition with the ANC at any level of government. While open to local government coalitions with other parties, he also ruled out coalitions with the EFF at a national level in 2024 because of ideological differences. Mashaba also responded to probing questions about how he might handle the effects of national energy insecurity and infrastructure decay.He ended the discussion with his reaction to the Constitutional Court judgment that declared police raids within the inner city, under his leadership, to have been unconstitutional. 

In this episode of Eusebius on TimesLIVE, CSA's Lawson Naidoo joined the platform to explain their decision that it is compulsory for the Proteas to take a knee before their matches in a show of anti-racism solidarity. McKaiser challenged Naidoo to explain what value such symbolism has if it is not voluntary. Naidoo conceded that the moral and political value of symbolism is diminished when it is mandatory. Naidoo also confirmed that this new policy directive had been taken without consulting the players.

Sunday Times columnist and former Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Lindiwe Mazibuko is the latest guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE. They started off the conversation with Mazibuko reflecting on biases in media coverage of politics, including reinscribing violence against women politicians into the public sphere. A big part of the dialogue focused on Mazibuko's hindsight reflections on her career in politics, before she critiqued the current leadership including an emphatic and fiery answer to the host asking her if she could vote for John Steenhuisen if he ran in her ward. The interview ended with explorations of Mazibuko's views on political communication and tonality and, finally, whether abstaining from voting is sensible at all.

Veteran political analyst and elections expert Ebrahim Fakir (Director of Programmes at the Auwal Socio-economic Research Institute (ASRI) is the first guest on Eusebius on TimesLIVE. In a lively discussion about the Democratic Alliance's elections strategy, Eusebius and Ebrahim explored whether or not the DA has a coherent strategy, and whether it is, as former DA leader Tony Leon recently argues, based on pragmatism rather than identifiable political principles and values. Ebrahim explains why he thinks the DA's approach to the forthcoming elections is ineffective, and he and Eusebius puzzle through the dynamics of the party that stop it from capitalising on the governance weaknesses of the African National Congress.